Putting the Record Straight About the Spitzenkandidaten
In the last few weeks, a great deal of nonsense has been said about the concept of the Spitzenkandidat. Some accuse the European Parliament of a power grab, subrogating the lawful role of the European Council in choosing the new Commission President. Others trivialise the role of the Parliament and doubt the democratic credentials of the process. Many believe that the candidate must always be drawn from the largest party come what may. All these assertions are wrong. The election of the Commission President is a joint endeavour between Parliament and Commission, democratically legitimate, and fully in conformity with EU law.
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How to Avoid Another Botched EU Enlargement by Sticking to the Rules
Is the European Union once again about to duck the challenge of constitutional reform? Even the imperative of Ukraine’s accession does not impel the EU to strengthen its governance. The European Parliament has made formal proposals to change the treaty from unanimity to QMV. The Commission equivocates. The European Council simply sits on the dossier, looking for excuse after excuse. Worse, a new idea is being floated in Brussels that mixes bad law with bad politics. The ruse is to use Article 49 TEU, the accession clause, instead of Article 48. I explain here why this approach will neither help Ukraine nor salvage the Union’s self-respect.
Continue reading >>In Search of a Methodical Approach to Seat Apportionment in the European Parliament
The European Parliament is once again trying to tackle the problem of how to apportion its seats between member states. In one of those rare Treaty instances, Parliament is obliged to initiate this procedure itself [Article 14(2) TEU]. It has so far failed in this obligation, and finding a decent solution still proves difficult. However, on 14 February 2024, the Parliament’s Constitutional Affairs Committee (AFCO) organised a workshop to consider three alternative formulae, all of which respect the principle of degressive proportionality. The blog outlines these proposals and explicates the challenges of the search for a methodical approach to seat apportionment in the European Parliament.
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Conflating the Powers of the Commissarial and the Sovereign Dictator in Tunisia
On July 25, 2022, a year after Tunisian President Kais Saied declared a state of emergency and with only 28 percent of eligible voters participating, Tunisia ratified its new Constitution. Saied’s use of wide emergency powers to help sideline parliamentary opposition and support the constitution-making process, contradicts the underlying rational that emergency powers are needed in democratic states to defend the existing constitutional order against urgent and exceptional threats to the state. To preclude the potential misuse of emergency powers a state’s constitution should be designed to prevent the entity exercising emergency powers from simultaneously claiming that they represent the ‘broad popular will’ of the people.
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