Prioritising Member States Over Citizens
The classic story about the right to privacy and data protection in the EU is one of a high level of protection. Yet, this original rosy image is increasingly fading away, most visibly in the La Quadrature du Net litigation, which is a continuation of two dynamics. First, the Court is still cleaning up the residual mess that lingers on from the now annulled Data Retention Directive. Second, in so doing, it is incrementally allowing the Member States indiscriminately retain personal data. Hence, the Court is carving out space for Member States’ preferences to the detriment of the protection of the individual.
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Is This a Constitutional Democracy
Indonesia, a country that has experimented with constitutional democracy since 1998, inaugurated its new president, Prabowo Subianto, on October 20, 2024. His so-called “Red and White Cabinet” may appear peculiar from the perspective of Western democracies due to its concentration of power. Prabowo assembled a “bloated cabinet” of 48 ministers constituting a hodge-podge of anti-Sharia pluralists, nationalists, Islamists, and others, all swearing fealty to the magico-religious Pancasila. We argue that Prabowo’s cabinet parallels the “family state”, which envisions the state as a large Indonesian family working together to maintain familial harmony.
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New Structure, New Priorities
Von der Leyen has recently unveiled the new structure of the next Commission. At first sight it looks like a relatively light structure composed of only three hierarchical levels: the President on top, six Executive Vice-Presidents in the middle and the Commissioners at the bottom. However, as this post will argue, the new Commission is likely to become more hierarchical and less coordinated than before. Moreover, the new structure also reflects changing priorities that will lead to a less green agenda and increased competitiveness of the EU.
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Concise, Clear, and Convincing
While the rhetorical battle over citizenship by investment has been won by the EU institutions, its legal success is still up for debate. Last week Advocate General Collins delivered his much-anticipated Opinion in Commission v Malta, proposing that the Court dismisses the Commission’s challenge in a concise, clear, and, as I will explain, convincing legal opinion.
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Sex Work Can’t Buy Human Rights
In a recent decision on the merits in M.A. and Others v. France, the ECtHR held that French legislation criminalizing the purchase of sexual acts did not violate the rights of 261 sex workers. The decision retreats into the Court’s traditional interpretative toolbox of European consensus and (procedural) margin of appreciation. I argue that the ECtHR decision does not only demonstrate blindness towards the rising sensitivity towards intersectional grounds of discrimination in human rights law but also contradicts recent proposals on “a human rights-based approach to sex work” promoted by several UN organs and the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights.
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Not a Disaster, but a Missed Opportunity
Following lengthy negotiations within Germany’s coalition government, on 26 April 2024, the Bundestag passed an amendment to the Federal Climate Protection Act. One part of the amendment in particular has drawn sharp criticism from environmental NGOs, experts, and commentators: the abolition of annual, sector-based targets for greenhouse gas emissions reduction, which form the basis of the obligation for ministries to submit ‘immediate action programmes’ (Sofortprogramme). We argue that many critics overestimated the effectiveness of the Sofortprogramm mechanism, as enshrined in the original version of the KSG, in enforcing Germany's ambitious climate targets. Instead, we must realistically assess the potential, and limits, of institutional design to deliver ambitious climate policy.
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3½ Myths about EU law on Citizenship for Sale
The sale of national and European Union citizenship understandably remains highly controversial. It seems arbitrary, perhaps even abject, to grant nationality in exchange for a monetary investment, when most people must wait years and overcome considerable hurdles before they can naturalize. As evidenced by three recent posts on the Verfassungsblog by Joseph H.H. Weiler, Merijn Chamon, and Lorin-Johannes Wagner, this question continues to divide EU law scholars. It is also a question that is still plagued by several myths about how EU law and, relatedly, international law, apply to CBI practices. This post discusses 3½ such myths.
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Eine vertane Chance, aber keine Katastrophe
Nach langen Verhandlungen innerhalb der Ampel-Koalition hat der Bundestag am 26. April 2024 eine Novelle des Bundes-Klimaschutzgesetzes (KSG) beschlossen. Teils harte Kritik von Umweltverbänden, Expert*innen und Kommentator*innen hat sich insbesondere an der Abschaffung der jahressscharfen Sektorziele als Grundlage für die gesetzliche Pflicht zur Vorlage von Sofortprogrammen entzündet. Wir argumentieren, dass viele Kritiker*innen die Wirksamkeit des alten KSG-Mechanismus für die Durchsetzung der ambitionierten deutschen Klimaziele überschätzen. Eine realistische Einschätzung der Möglichkeiten und Grenzen institutioneller Regelungen zur Durchsetzung ambitionierter Klimapolitik legt stattdessen nahe, dass mit der Novelle einerseits eine Reihe von graduellen und potentiell wirksamen Reformen eingeführt wurden, andererseits aber auch Chancen zur Verbesserung ungenutzt bleiben.
Continue reading >>Pushing Back
The CJEU has pending before it a crucial case on the criminalisation of seeking asylum and assistance to those seeking protection. At this critical juncture, this blog post highlights a sample of important decisions in which courts, giving effect to constitutional and international legal principles, set legal limits on this form of criminalisation. These cases reflect not only the appropriate legal limits, but also acknowledge the character of irregular migration and smuggling. Rather than framing individuals as dangerous illegal migrants and exploitative smugglers, they reassert the humanity of both those in search of refuge and opportunity, and those that assist them.
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The CJEU’s Feminist Turn?
In Case C-621/21, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) held that women in general and women facing domestic violence in their country of origin in particular, qualify as a protected ‘social group’ under EU Directive 2011/95 and thus avail themselves for refugee status or subsidiary protection in the Common European Asylum System. This contribution applies the perspective of feminist approaches to international law to critically analyze what this decision means for women and victims of gender-based violence – in- and outside of the European Union.
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Supreme Judgecraft
In R (on the application of AAA (Syria) and others) the UK Supreme Court held that the Secretary of State’s policy to remove protection seekers to Rwanda was unlawful. Rwanda is not, at present, a safe third country. There are, the Supreme Court found, “substantial grounds for believing that there is a real risk that asylum claims will not be determined properly, and that asylum seekers will in consequence be at risk of being returned directly or indirectly to their country of origin.” Should this occur “refugees will face a real risk of ill-treatment in circumstances where they should not have been returned at all.” We argue that the Supreme Court’s legal reasoning and evidential assessment are both impeccable, applying legal principles that are well-embedded in international and domestic law to very clear evidence. However, the UK government’s responses are deeply troubling, from the perspectives of refugee protection, international legality, and the rule of law in the UK.
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Poland’s Sham ‘Migration’ Referendum
On June 15, 2023, Jarosław Kaczyński, leader of Poland's PiS party, announced a rare referendum, ostensibly to allow the public to weigh in on crucial elements of Polish immigration policy, alongside the general elections. Yet, in reality, the referendum had little to do with migration and the opposition parties largely ignored the referendum's questions to avoid its deployment as an electoral campaign tool. As such, whatever voters will decide on Election day, it will tell us little about the state of Polish migration politics.
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Politicians don’t dance? AI doesn’t either!
“Why don’t politicians ever dance? – Because they have too many steps to backtrack on!” Chat-GPT answered this when we asked the program to tell a political joke. While this example is somewhat worrying since the underlying assumption might perpetuate existing stereotypes about politics and politicians, the joke also highlights that AI has become witty and incredibly good at behaving in a way we perceive as human. Thus, we take the recent advancements of generative AI as a motivation to analyze its potential effects on political campaigns and democratic elections.
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Human Rights Violations to Deflect Refugees
The Council of the European Union (EU) recently reached a negotiating position (‘mandate’) on two significant elements of the ‘reform’ of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). The vision hailed as a ‘historic’ agreement by national governments is a direct threat to the right to asylum. The Council not only maintains all structural flaws of the CEAS intact but proposes a quagmire of asylum procedures marred by unworkable, unnecessarily complex rules, that are in clear violation of key human rights standards.
Continue reading >>An Inconvenient Constraint
On 1 July 2024, Hungary is set to take over the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. The European Parliament and the Meijers Committee issued reports questioning whether Hungary should be blocked from doing that. These proposals raise questions of political feasibility, however, especially as one may doubt if a Hungarian Council Presidency can do much practical damage to the EU. In addition, they also raise questions of legal feasibility. A logical prerequisite for preventing Hungary from holding the Presidency as long as it breaches the rule of law is that doing so is consistent with the EU’s own rule of law. I doubt it is.
Continue reading >>Institutional Corsets and the Question of Timing
There has been a lot of noise around whether Hungary should, and legally could, be blocked from taking over the Council presidency in the second half of 2024, considering the state of the rule of law in the country. On 1 June, the European Parliament adopted a resolution, questioning Hungary’s ability to “credibly fulfill” the tasks of a Council presidency and asking the Council to “find a proper solution as soon as possible”, else Parliament could take “appropriate measures”. Such concerns are legitimate, but another question seems to be sidelined in the debate: How much practical damage can the upcoming Council presidency under Hungary actually do in the EU?
Continue reading >>The National Case for Reforming the EU Treaties
Four arguments of either explicit or implicit importance in encouraging states to engage in Treaty reform in this ‘reform period’ are of decisive importance again now. Many of these arguments have already found their way into political discourse (for example into the cautious opening of the German government to Treaty reform) while others have not. The key to making the national case for Treaty reform may therefore lie in demonstrating to the Member States that these factors make opening-up the Treaties in their national interest.
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“Like Handing My Whole Life Over”
On 16 February 2023, the German Federal Administrative Court (BVerwG) ruled that the practice of regularly analysing data carriers, including mobile phones, by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) when registering asylum applicants is illegal (BVerwG 1 C 19.21). The judgement arrives after the Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte’s (GFF) efforts to reveal this practice’s details and take legal action against its use in the asylum procedure. In this post, we briefly overview this practice and analyse this judgement and its implications. We argue that although this judgement represents an important victory for asylum seekers’ and refugees’ data protection and privacy, some controversial aspects of this practice still require clarification.
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Das Postfaktische über Korruption in der Europäischen Union
Auch wenn es dem Europäischen Parlament in den letzten Jahren gelungen ist, eine Mehrheit zu finden, um die Mitgliedstaaten Ungarn, Polen, Rumänien, die Slowakei, Bulgarien und Malta wegen Korruption zu schelten, ist es weitaus schwieriger, seine eigenen Mitglieder zu kontrollieren. Das Europäische Parlament ist der absolute Herrscher über seine eigene Integrität. Wenn es seine Möglichkeiten einschränken will, indem es volle Transparenz bei Sitzungen, Zugang, Ausgaben und Reisen bietet, kann es das tun - gute Vorschläge liegen schon seit Jahren vor.
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Preserving Procedural Fairness in The AI Era
AI systems have been used and challenged by individuals affected by their output. In the absence of a regulatory framework, national courts in Europe have been called upon to address claimants’ demands for fairness and legal protection. While they have been activists in preserving individuals’ procedural rights by setting requirements for AI systems, the courts' role is, however, doomed to change when the AI Act enters into force.
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The Post-Truth about Corruption in the European Union
Even if the European Parliament has in recent years managed to get a majority to scold member states Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Bulgaria and Malta on corruption it has a far more difficult time in controlling its own members. The current Qatar gate so far involves just a few MPs alongside EP vice-president PASOK Eva Kaili. However, Qatar paid luxury trips for several MEPs, although a few refused, and some more MPs had offered public endorsement to Qatar already. The European Parliament is the absolute sovereign of its own integrity. If it wants to cut opportunities by offering full transparency on meetings, access, expenses and travel, it can- good proposals have been laying around for years.
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An early Christmas Gift from Karlsruhe?
The 6 December Karlsruhe ruling on the constitutional complaints against the ‘Act Ratifying the EU Own Resources Decision’ will be received by many as a Saint Nicholas present. This time, the Federal Constitutional Court avoided the head-on collision with the EU it caused with its PSPP judgment two and a half years ago. Instead, it opted for a seemingly constructive assessment of the EU’s pandemic recovery instrument. In particular, it found that the ORD did not manifestly exceed the competences conferred on the EU – i.e., it was not ultra vires – and did not affect the constitutional identity of the Basic Law. While the ruling is not as constraining as some might have feared, it does not give card blanche for a more permanent EU fiscal capacity.
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Britain’s Political Meltdown and its Constitutional Dimension
Britain’s political meltdown is also a constitutional meltdown – a sign of the increasing redundancy of a remarkably resilient and successful constitutional model that has seen the UK avoid the constant process of revolution and renewal that plagued other European states, at least in the 20th century. The current state of the UK’s constitutional system is unsustainable and increasingly unable to support the primary purpose of government – to actually deliver policy.
Continue reading >>Europe Needs a Civil Society Strategy
In a number of EU countries, governments are squeezing civic space, rendering it increasingly hard for civil society to operate. A comprehensive strategic approach to partnering with civil societies would allow the EU to more effectively tackle growing illiberalism and ambivalence about democracy.
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Der 11. September und die drei Arten des permanenten Ausnahmezustands
Eine besondere Folge des 11. September 2001 ist die rasche und weltweite Ausweitung der Notstandsbefugnisse, da terroristische Bedrohungen als "permanenter" Notstand angesehen werden. In der Zwischenzeit haben sich mindestens drei "Arten" der Einführung eines permanenten Notstands kristallisiert.
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On 9/11 and three natures of a permanent state of emergency
One particular consequence of the post-9/11-counterterrorism paradigm is there has been a rapid and global expansion of emergency powers, as terrorist threats are viewed as creating a ‘permanent’ emergency. This is not to say that the post-9/11 war on terror was new as far as the issues of states of emergency are concerned, but rather, as aptly put by Dyzenhaus, "all that is new is the prevalence of the claim that this emergency has no foreseeable end and so is permanent.”
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Distrust – Trust – Recognition
Could it be that even Russia’s current political leadership is in truth not necessarily interested in conquering the land and people of Ukraine, but in proving Russia’s great power status? If so, the classification as a „regional power“ would be a violation of Russian self-esteem and status consciousness, for the healing of which Russia is starting a war that is contrary to international law, morally reprehensible, economically absurd and cruel, and devoid of any pragmatic rational explanation.
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Misstrauen – Vertrauen – Anerkennung
Könnte es sein, dass es selbst der gegenwärtigen politischen Führung Russlands in Wahrheit gar nicht unbedingt um die Eroberung von Land und Leuten der Ukraine geht, sondern um den Beweis des russischen Großmachtstatus? Dann wäre die Einstufung als „Regionalmacht“ eine Verletzung russischen Selbstgefühls und Statusbewusstseins, für dessen Heilung Russland einen völkerrechtswidrigen, moralisch verwerflichen, ökonomisch widersinnigen und grausamen Krieg bar jeder realpolitisch-rationalen Erklärungsfähigkeit vom Zaune bricht.
Continue reading >>A Tale of Two Borders
Poland has an over 500 km long border with Ukraine and – right next to it – an over 400 km long border with Belarus. At the border with Ukraine, tens of thousands of persons are crossing each day, and the authorities are making a huge effort to make the crossing smooth. At the border with Ukraine, tens of thousands of persons are crossing each day, and the authorities are making a huge effort to make the crossing smooth. At the border with Belarus, people who are trying to cross into Poland are still forced to wander in minus temperatures through thick woods.
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Bürgerräte als Potential für die Handlungs- und Lernfähigkeit von Demokratien
Seit einigen Jahren entstehen in europäischen Ländern und in den USA neue Formen der Bürgerbeteiligung. Auch im neuen Koalitionsvertrag sind Bürgerräte vorgesehen. Sie könnten die aktuellen politischen Debatten wirksamer machen und Diskurse in einer fragmentierten Öffentlichkeit sinnvoll strukturieren. Das funktioniert allerdings nur unter gewissen Voraussetzungen, die sich aus den bisherigen Erfahrungen mit ähnlichen Formen von Bürgerräten ableiten lassen: Entscheidend sind transparente Ziele und Verfahren, eine inklusive Repräsentativität und die Umsetzung der sich daraus ergebenden Empfehlungen.
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No rule of law?
Something out of the ordinary, something very strange, something seriously concerning happened at the second section of the European Court of Human Rights on 23 November 2021.
Continue reading >>Military Actions on Dubious Legal Bases
For months, thousands of migrants from Middle Eastern countries attempted to enter Poland threatened by Belarusian troops. As a reaction, Poland has deployed substantial forces to counter the immigration influx, using the Border Guards along with police and military personnel. Thousands of Polish soldiers have been operating on the border with Belarus. There is, however, no published legal basis for these police-like interventions undertaken by military personnel. The spokesman of the Polish Territorial Defence Forces (WOT) cited an old act of the President on 28th of November, which is not in force anymore as it got repealed in June 2020.
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The Deadly Woods
Since August 2021, hundreds of people have attempted, and many have succeeded, to irregularly cross the border from Belarus to Poland. In retaliation, they are pushed back to Belarus by Polish authorities and then forced to cross back to Poland by Belarusian authorities. Forced to repeatedly wander in minus temperatures through thick woods, many persons have been seriously injured and at least several have died. As of the end of October 2021, there are two parallel frameworks legalizing pushbacks in Poland.
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How Much Money is a Lot of Money?
On 7 September 2021, the European Commission announced that it will ask the European Court of Justice (ECJ) to impose financial penalties on Poland for not complying with the Court’s order for interim measures of 14 July 2021 regarding its Disciplinary Chamber. The Commission must be able to threat the member state in question not only credibly, but also with amounts that are high enough to deter them from continuing on their rule-of-law-breaching-path.
Continue reading >>A Matter of Principle
On 9 June 2021, the European Commission announced that it is bringing an infringement procedure against Germany for breach of fundamental principles of EU law. The procedure is less about the possible outcomes and more a matter of principle. By launching it, the Commission is emphasizing the notion of equality between the member states.
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